Intermittent commentary on the state of the international political economy with a focus on the question of sustainable development.
'The Right Man'
There was a very interesting piece on ABC Radio National's Breakfast show this morning about the religious inluences on George W. and other individuals that form part of the inner sanctum at the White House. There is an interview with Jeffrey Sharlet of killingthebuddha.com who spent some time 'undercover' in what is referred to as as 'The Family', a largely 'invisible' organisation that has supposedly operated since 1935 under various guises. It is meat and drink for conspiracy theorists, but frighteningly plausible. The good news is that it is possible to listen to the interview, so long as you have RealPlayer installed on your machine. See, also, a piece in Atlantic Monthly along the same lines entitled 'In the Name of God'.
Make way for the war apologists
It was only a matter of time, I suppose. As the number of days accumulate since the liberation, and WMD remain conspicuous by their absence, people are starting to shift uncomfortably in their seats. Alternative justifications are now emerging such as the report in today's Observer (Saddam 'held talks on alliance with al-Qaeda') and the piece in the New York Times by Thomas L. Friedman (The meaning of a skull). In his characteristic straight-talking style, Friedman cuts to the chase and basically mounts an argument stating that it doesn't matter if there aren't any WMD because Saddam was a bad guy and the world is better off without him. With Saddam's human rights record, few are likely to argue with Friedman. However, I can't help thinking that he's being a tad optimistic when he concludes that the challenge for Bush is to 'not take the good thing he has done and cast it in an ideological framework that will make people resent it - at home and abroad'. That particular horse bolted from the stable door a long time ago me thinks.
Foreign aid as a national security strategy
John Quiggin posted on the opportunity cost of the Iraq war recently which stimulated a fair bit of discussion. Among the comments was one from Stewart Kelly who mused over why spending US$100bn on a war seemingly presents no problem yet there is far less enthusiasm for expenditure that might help a country to develop and attain reasonable living standards. It has often occurred to me that if the US devoted the equivalent of the military budget to foreign aid they might not have nearly as many enemies around the world and the terrorist threat may never raise its ugly head. A favourite article of mine on this subject appeared in The Economist last October entitled Weapons of mass salvation by Jeffrey Sachs. It is well worth a read. The opening paragraph reads as follows:
If George Bush spent more time and money on mobilising Weapons of Mass Salvation (WMS) in addition to combating Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), we might actually get somewhere in making this planet a safer and more hospitable home. WMD can kill millions and their spread to dangerous hands needs to be opposed resolutely. WMS, in contrast, are the arsenal of life-saving vaccines, medicines and health interventions, emergency food aid and farming technologies that could avert literally millions of deaths each year in the wars against epidemic disease, drought and famine. Yet while the Bush administration is prepared to spend $100 billion to rid Iraq of WMD, it has been unwilling to spend more than 0.2% of that sum ($200m) this year on the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.
Sachs continues: If we were to send teams of “UN development inspectors” into the United States, the results would not be pretty. First, they would discover a nearly total disconnect between global commitments and domestic politics ... Second, they would find complete disarray with regard to the organisation, budgeting, and staffing necessary to fulfil the commitments. White House and State Department foreign-policy experts are overwhelmingly directed towards military and diplomatic issues, not development issues. Senior development specialists in the Treasury can be counted on one hand. America's government is not even aware of the gap between its commitments and action, because almost nobody in authority understands the actions that would be needed to meet the commitments.
A part of Iraq that will never be rebuilt
According to a report in The Observer yesterday (US army was told to protect looted museum), Iraq's national museum was identified last month by the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance (ORHA) (the institution set up to supervise the reconstruction of postwar Iraq) as a 'prime target for looters'. A leaked document, the main source of information for the report, reveals that the securing of the museum by Coalition forces was listed as the second top priority after the national bank. In response to criticism that it did too little to prevent the looting of priceless artefacts from the museum, the US military argues that its primary job in the first few days was to quell armed resistance in Baghdad, and that it could not tackle looters until it had finished fighting a war. Strangely, Coalition forces were able to secure the Oil Ministry, listed as no. 16 on OHRA's list of 16.
Krugman on global warming
I'm not a huge Krugman fan, but his piece, Rejecting the World, in yesterday's New York Times is a classic. Criticising the right for stymieing what was a pretty weak plan on global warming in the first place, Krugman concludes that:
We can safely dismiss the idea that the right has carefully weighed the scientific evidence and concluded that the overwhelming consensus of the scientific community is wrong. We can also dismiss the idea that conservatives have carefully examined the economics of emission controls and concluded that they are too expensive. ... [T]he ferocity with which the right opposes any policy to limit greenhouse gases, even the nearly empty Bush plan, goes beyond general anti-environmentalism. What's different about global warming, I think, is that unlike local pollution, dealing with it requires concerted action by governments around the world. And that's what the right really can't stand.
This shouldn't be surprising. There was a time when U.S. conservatives were isolationists. Nobody thinks that's a viable position nowadays, but the same impulses — an assertion of moral superiority, an unwillingness to consider alternative points of view — lie behind America's new spirit of unilateralism. We obviously can't ignore the world, but many Americans reject the idea that other countries should have any say over what we do.
But what happens when unilateralists encounter problems that clearly require the cooperation of other countries — not as junior partners, but as equals? Right now the answer is simply to deny the existence of those problems. The greenhouse effect is a quintessentially global issue — fine, we'll deny that global warming exists. Fighting stateless terrorists demands a global cooperative effort — fine, we'll fight terrorism by launching a conventional war against a regime that, nasty as it was, had nothing to do with the terrorist attacks.
Flag waving by the 'liberation' forces
There has been a lot of rhetoric from the leaders of the Coalition of the Willing regarding the purpose of the invasion of Iraq, but there has been a discernible change of emphasis over the course of the last four weeks. To begin with it was all about dispossessing Saddam Hussein of his weapons of mass destruction. More recently, the main objective has been to free the Iraqi people from the evil dictatorship. Apparently, this means helping pull down statues of Saddam and hoisting the stars and stripes at opportune moments. There is no question that Saddam's narcissistic tendencies did a lot for the statue industry in Iraq, but wouldn't it be more symbolic of liberation if the Iraqis pulled the statues down themselves? As for the flag waving by US forces, for many this will convey conquest rather than liberation and it is the kind of imagery that is unlikely to be well received in the Arab world.
What happened to backBlog?
My feedback facility disappeared today - not that there was a huge amount to disappear! Anyway, I'm giving Enetation a go. Haven't been able to access Blogextra.com all day.
The anarchy of liberation
As the sight of Saddam statues toppling dominate our TV screens, and Iraqis celebrate in the streets, the visible sense of relief is evident on the faces of those leading the Coalition of the Willing. Indeed, one could be forgiven for thinking that this conflict wasn't quite so bad after all. OK, so no weapons of mass destruction have been discovered, but the Iraqi people have been liberated haven't they? Suzanne Goldenberg's story in the Guardian yesterday provides a disturblingly graphic description of what this 'liberation' means for some Iraqis.
More on the future of US hegemony
Further to my post on this topic on 31 March, there is an interesting article in the Australian Financial Review this weekend by Julie Macken, entitled So much for American cultural imperialism. Unfortunately, you have to be a subscriber to the Fin to access the full electronic edition, but here are a couple of extracts:
... The immediate cost will be measured in the number of people lost, on both sides. A likely but less obvious cost one with ramifications for the global order in coming decades is that the world's only superpower may find it has destroyed its cultural capital as well as its enemy.
The 20th century was the American century. From 1917 through to the end of World War II, America grew in strength. That strength had three pillars; economic, military and cultural. But in the words of Samuel Huntington , author of the seminal work 'The Clash Of Civilisations', "culture trumps politics, and economics too".
Well known US economist, Professor James Galbraith and US commentator Dr Daniel Warner both make the point that America earned its reputation for moral authority as a consequence of its vision, generosity and leadership in the re-construction that followed both the World Wars. They also argue that subsequent administrations have been trading on that reputation ever since.
The global dominance of the US would have been inconceivable without its capacity to export its ideals/ideas and cultural byproducts .
Indeed, when the Cold War was declared over after the Berlin Wall had been torn down, many commentators attributed it to the force of attraction of America's "soft power". Blue jeans and democracy were, it seemed, an unbeatable combination.
It was this cultural, and many would argue moral, authority that enabled Woodrow Wilson to gain overwhelming endorsement of his 14-point plan, issued in 1918 . The same authority underpinned the Marshall Plan after WWII.
And as the populations of the first world morphed from citizens into consumers, it was the cultural power of the US that helped the likes of Levi's and Coca-Cola to make the transition from national to global brands.
Later in the article, Macken also reports on a survey undertaken late last year on global attitudes toward US ideas and customs:
... The Pew Global Attitudes Project was undertaken in December 2002, and while it pre-dates the war by three months, the centre's director, Andrew Kohut , thinks the findings have direct application to the war. In late February Kohut told the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing: "The unpopularity of a potential war with Iraq can only further fuel hostilities, almost no matter how well such a war goes."
The survey found that ``people do not like the spread of 'Americanism'. In general, the spread of US ideas and customs is disliked by majorities in almost every country included in this worldwide survey. In the Middle East/Conflict Area, overwhelming majorities in every country except Uzbekistan have a negative impression of the spread of American ideas and customs. Just 2 per cent of Pakistanis and 6 per cent of Egyptians see this trend as a good thing."
Again, does this matter? "It's a tragedy for us [the US], and for the rest of the world," says Galbraith. "War is essentially a political exercise. If one country shows that it pays to resist, all the others will be that much harder. The US will have to administer a hostile, resentful county and that will become a very costly exercise."
For Daniel Warner, deputy director of the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva , cultural power is only one of a trio of elements necessary to the growth of a superpower.
"All empires go bankrupt through imperial overreach," he says. "The US looks like it is going to fall because it has too many soldiers in too many countries, its deficit is getting bigger, and this war will cost them too much. The question of soft power or moral authority is only one aspect of the equation; you must maintain all three levels, economic, cultural and military."
Even with a different administration in Washington, Warner believes the US is fixed on a downward path.
"This is the March of Folly and there is an inevitability to this overspend ... The US military budget is $US380 billion ($632 billion), the CIA and FBI (budget) is $US480 billion, the budget cuts to the states mean they face bankruptcy, and with these new tax cuts there is even less money coming in. Collapse is now unavoidable."
Rupert the patriot
Former Aussie, Rupert Murdoch, is reported to have told a conference in the US that it was important the world learned to 'respect' America. Apparently, Murdoch reckons that Americans are unduly concerned about world opinion and that Iraqis will eventually welcome US troops as liberators. "We worry about what people think about us too much in this country" declared Rupe, "We have an inferiority complex, it seems".